|
|
Before passing to the closing scenes of this wilderness drama, we
will touch briefly on a few points aside from its main action, yet
essential to an understanding of the scope of the mission. Besides
their establishments at Quebec, Sillery, Three Rivers, and the
neighborhood of Lake Huron, the Jesuits had an outlying post at the
island of Miscou, on the Gulf of St. Lawrence, near the entrance of
the Bay of Chaleurs, where they instructed the wandering savages of
those shores, and confessed the French fishermen. The island was
unhealthy in the extreme. Several of the priests sickened and died;
and scarcely one convert repaid their toils. There was a more
successful mission at Tadoussac, or Sadilege, as the neighboring
Indians called it. In winter, this place was a solitude; but in
summer, when the Montagnais gathered from their hunting-grounds to
meet the French traders, Jesuits came yearly from Quebec to instruct
them in the Faith. Some times they followed them northward, into
wilds where, at this day, a white man rarely penetrates. Thus, in
1646, De Quen ascended the Saguenay, and, by a series of rivers,
torrents, lakes, and rapids, reached a Montagnais horde called the
Nation of the Porcupine, where he found that the teachings at
Tadoussac had borne fruit, and that the converts had planted a cross
on the borders of the savage lake where they dwelt. There was a
kindred band, the Nation of the White Fish, among the rocks and
forests north of Three Rivers. They proved tractable beyond all
others, threw away their "medicines" or fetiches, burned their magic
drums, renounced their medicine-songs, and accepted instead
rosaries, crucifixes, and versions of Catholic hymns.
In a former chapter, we followed Father Paul Le Jeune on his winter
roamings, with a band of Montagnais, among the forests on the
northern boundary of Maine. Now Father Gabriel Druilletes sets forth
on a similar excursion, but with one essential difference. Le
Jeune's companions were heathen, who persecuted him day and night
with their gibes and sarcasms. Those of Druilletes were all
converts, who looked on him as a friend and a father. There were
prayers, confessions, masses, and invocations of St. Joseph. They
built their bark chapel at every camp, and no festival of the Church
passed unobserved. On Good Friday they laid their best robe of
beaver-skin on the snow, placed on it a crucifix, and knelt around
it in prayer. What was their prayer? It was a petition for the
forgiveness and the conversion of their enemies, the Iroquois.
[Vimont, Relation, 1645, 16.] Those who know the intensity and
tenacity of an Indian's hatred will see in this something more than
a change from one superstition to another. An idea had been
presented to the mind of the savage, to which he had previously been
an utter stranger. This is the most remarkable record of success in
the whole body of the Jesuit Relations; but it is very far from
being the only evidence, that, in teaching the dogmas and
observances of the Roman Church, the missionaries taught also the
morals of Christianity. When we look for the results of these
missions, we soon become aware that the influence of the French and
the Jesuits extended far beyond the circle of converts. It
eventually modified and softened the manners of many unconverted
tribes. In the wars of the next century we do not often find those
examples of diabolic atrocity with which the earlier annals are
crowded. The savage burned his enemies alive, it is true, but he
rarely ate them; neither did he torment them with the same
deliberation and persistency. He was a savage still, but not so
often a devil. The improvement was not great, but it was distinct;
and it seems to have taken place wherever Indian tribes were in
close relations with any respectable community of white men. Thus
Philip's war in New England, cruel as it was, was less ferocious,
judging from Canadian experience, than it would have been, if a
generation of civilized intercourse had not worn down the sharpest
asperities of barbarism. Yet it was to French priests and colonists,
mingled as they were soon to be among the tribes of the vast
interior, that the change is chiefly to be ascribed. In this
softening of manners, such as it was, and in the obedient
Catholicity of a few hundred tamed savages gathered at stationary
missions in various parts of Canada, we find, after a century had
elapsed, all the results of the heroic toil of the Jesuits. The
missions had failed, because the Indians had ceased to exist. Of the
great tribes on whom rested the hopes of the early Canadian Fathers,
nearly all were virtually extinct. The missionaries built
laboriously and well, but they were doomed to build on a failing
foundation. The Indians melted away, not because civilization
destroyed them, but because their own ferocity and intractable
indolence made it impossible that they should exist in its presence.
Either the plastic energies of a higher race or the servile pliancy
of a lower one would, each in its way, have preserved them: as it
was, their extinction was a foregone conclusion. As for the religion
which the Jesuits taught them, however Protestants may carp at it,
it was the only form of Christianity likely to take root in their
crude and barbarous nature.
To return to Druilletes. The smoke of the wigwam blinded him; and it
is no matter of surprise to hear that he was cured by a miracle. He
returned from his winter roving to Quebec in high health, and soon
set forth on a new mission. On the River Kennebec, in the present
State of Maine, dwelt the Abenaquis, an Algonquin people, destined
hereafter to become a thorn in the sides of the New-England
colonists. Some of them had visited their friends, the Christian
Indians of Sillery. Here they became converted, went home, and
preached the Faith to their countrymen, and this to such purpose
that the Abenaquis sent to Quebec to ask for a missionary. Apart
from the saving of souls, there were solid reasons for acceding to
their request. The Abenaquis were near the colonies of New
England,--indeed, the Plymouth colony, under its charter, claimed
jurisdiction over them; and in case of rupture, they would prove
serviceable friends or dangerous enemies to New France. [Charlevoix,
I. 280, gives this as a motive of the mission.] Their messengers
were favorably received; and Druilletes was ordered to proceed upon
the new mission.
He left Sillery, with a party of Indians, on the twenty-ninth of
August, 1646, [Lalemant, Relation, 1647, 51.] and following, as it
seems, the route by which, a hundred and twenty-nine years later,
the soldiers of Arnold made their way to Quebec, he reached the
waters of the Kennebec and descended to the Abenaqui villages. Here
he nursed the sick, baptized the dying, and gave such instruction
as, in his ignorance of the language, he was able. Apparently he had
been ordered to reconnoiter; for he presently descended the river
from Norridgewock to the first English trading-post, where Augusta
now stands. Thence he continued his journey to the sea, and followed
the coast in a canoe to the Penobscot, visiting seven or eight
English posts on the way, where, to his surprise, he was very well
received. At the Penobscot he found several Capuchin friars, under
their Superior, Father Ignace, who welcomed him with the utmost
cordiality. Returning, he again ascended the Kennebec to the English
post at Augusta. At a spot three miles above the Indians had
gathered in considerable numbers, and here they built him a chapel
after their fashion. He remained till midwinter, catechizing and
baptizing, and waging war so successfully against the Indian
sorcerers, that medicine-bags were thrown away, and charms and
incantations were supplanted by prayers. In January the whole troop
set off on their grand hunt, Druilletes following them, "with toil,"
says the chronicler, "too great to buy the kingdoms of this world,
but very small as a price for the Kingdom of Heaven." [Lalemant,
Relation, 1647, 54. For an account of this mission, see also
Maurault, Histoire des Abenakis, 116-156.] They encamped on
Moosehead Lake, where new disputes with the "medicine-men" ensued,
and the Father again remained master of the field. When, after a
prosperous hunt, the party returned to the English trading-house,
John Winslow, the agent in charge again received the missionary with
a kindness which showed no trace of jealousy or religious prejudice.
| [Winslow would scarcely have recognized his own name
in the Jesuit spelling,--"Le Sieur de Houinslaud." In
his journal of 1650 Druilletes is more successful in his
orthography, and spells it Winslau.] |
Early in the summer Druilletes went to Quebec; and during the two
following years, the Abenaquis, for reasons which are not clear,
were left without a missionary. He spent another winter of extreme
hardship with the Algonquins on their winter roving, and during
summer instructed the wandering savages of Tadoussac. It was not
until the autumn of 1650 that he again descended the Kennebec. This
time he went as an envoy charged with the negotiation of a treaty.
His journey is worthy of notice, since, with the unimportant
exception of Jogues's embassy to the Mohawks, it is the first
occasion on which the Canadian Jesuits appear in a character
distinctly political. Afterwards, when the fervor and freshness of
the missions had passed away, they frequently did the work of
political agents among the Indians: but the Jesuit of the earlier
period was, with rare exceptions, a missionary only; and though he
was expected to exert a powerful influence in gaining subjects and
allies for France, he was to do so by gathering them under the wings
of the Church.
The Colony of Massachusetts had applied to the French officials at
Quebec, with a view to a reciprocity of trade. The Iroquois had
brought Canada to extremity, and the French Governor conceived the
hope of gaining the powerful support of New England by granting the
desired privileges on condition of military aid. But, as the
Puritans would scarcely see it for their interest to provoke a
dangerous enemy, who had thus far never molested them, it was
resolved to urge the proposed alliance as a point of duty. The
Abenaquis had suffered from Mohawk inroads; and the French, assuming
for the occasion that they were under the jurisdiction of the
English colonies, argued that they were bound to protect them.
Druilletes went in a double character,--as an envoy of the
government at Quebec, and as an agent of his Abenaqui flock, who had
been advised to petition for English assistance. The time seemed
inauspicious for a Jesuit visit to Boston; for not only had it been
announced as foremost among the objects in colonizing New England,
"to raise a bulwark against the kingdom of Antichrist, which the
Jesuits labor to rear up in all places of the world,"1
but, three years before, the Legislature of Massachusetts had
enacted, that Jesuits entering the colony should be expelled, and if
they returned, hanged.2
Nevertheless, on the first of September, Druilletes set forth from
Quebec with a Christian chief of Sillery, crossed forests,
mountains, and torrents, and reached Norridgewock, the highest
Abenaqui settlement on the Kennebec. Thence he descended to the
English trading-house at Augusta, where his fast friend, the Puritan
Winslow, gave him a warm welcome, entertained him hospitably, and
promised to forward the object of his mission. He went with him, at
great personal inconvenience, to Merrymeeting Bay, where Druilletes
embarked in an English vessel for Boston. The passage was stormy,
and the wind ahead. He was forced to land at Cape Ann, or, as he
calls it, _Kepane_, whence, partly on foot, partly in boats along
the shore, he made his way to Boston. The three-hilled city of the
Puritans lay chill and dreary under a December sky, as the priest
crossed in a boat from the neighboring peninsula of Charlestown.
Winslow was agent for the merchant, Edward Gibbons, a personage of
note, whose life presents curious phases,--a reveller of Merry
Mount, a bold sailor, a member of the church, an adventurous trader,
an associate of buccaneers, a magistrate of the commonwealth, and a
major-general.3 The Jesuit, with
credentials from the Governor of Canada and letters from Winslow,
met a reception widely different from that which the law enjoined
against persons of his profession.4
Gibbons welcomed him heartily, prayed him to accept no other lodging
than his house while he remained in Boston, and gave him the key of
a chamber, in order that he might pray after his own fashion,
without fear of disturbance. An accurate Catholic writer thinks it
likely that he brought with him the means of celebrating the Mass.
[J. G. Shea, in Boston Pilot.] If so, the house of the Puritan was,
no doubt, desecrated by that Popish abomination; but be this as it
may, Massachusetts, in the person of her magistrate, became the
gracious host of one of those whom, next to the Devil and an
Anglican bishop, she most abhorred.
On the next day, Gibbons took his guest to Roxbury,--called _Rogsbray_
by Druilletes,--to see the Governor, the harsh and narrow Dudley,
grown gray in repellent virtue and grim honesty. Some half a century
before, he had served in France, under Henry the Fourth; but he had
forgotten his French, and called for an interpreter to explain the
visitor's credentials. He received Druilletes with courtesy, and
promised to call the magistrates together on the following Tuesday
to hear his proposals. They met accordingly, and Druilletes was
asked to dine with them. The old Governor sat at the head of the
table, and after dinner invited the guest to open the business of
his embassy. They listened to him, desired him to withdraw, and,
after consulting among themselves, sent for him to join them again
at supper, when they made him an answer, of which the record is
lost, but which evidently was not definitive.
As the Abenaqui Indians were within the jurisdiction of Plymouth,5
Druilletes proceeded thither in his character of their agent. Here,
again, he was received with courtesy and kindness. Governor Bradford
invited him to dine, and, as it was Friday, considerately gave him a
dinner of fish. Druilletes conceived great hope that the colony
could be wrought upon to give the desired assistance; for some of
the chief inhabitants had an interest in the trade with the
Abenaquis.6 He came back by land to
Boston, stopping again at Roxbury on the way. It was night when he
arrived; and, after the usual custom, he took lodging with the
minister. Here were several young Indians, pupils of his host: for
he was no other than the celebrated Eliot, who, during the past
summer, had established his mission at Natick,7
and was now laboring, in the fullness of his zeal, in the work of
civilization and conversion. There was great sympathy between the
two missionaries; and Eliot prayed his guest to spend the winter
with him.
At Salem, which Druilletes also visited, in company with the
minister of Marblehead, he had an interview with the stern, but
manly, Endicott, who, he says, spoke French, and expressed both
interest and good-will towards the objects of the expedition. As the
envoy had no money left, Endicott paid his charges, and asked him to
dine with the magistrates.
| [On Druilletes's visit to New England, see his
journal, entitled Narre du Voyage faict pour la Mission
des Abenaquois, et des Connoissances tiréz de la
Nouvelle Angleterre et des Dispositions des Magistrats
de cette Republique pour le Secours contre les Iroquois.
See also Druilletes, Rapport sur le Résultat deses
Négotiations, in Ferland, Notes sur les Registres, 95.] |
Druilletes was evidently struck with the thrift and vigor of
these sturdy young colonies, and the strength of their population.
He says that Boston, meaning Massachusetts, could alone furnish four
thousand fighting men, and that the four united colonies could count
forty thousand souls.8 These numbers may
be challenged; but, at all events, the contrast was striking with
the attenuated and suffering bands of priests, nuns, and fur-traders
on the St. Lawrence. About twenty-one thousand persons had come from
Old to New England, with the resolve of making it their home; and
though this immigration had virtually ceased, the natural increase
had been great. The necessity, or the strong desire, of escaping
from persecution had given the impulse to Puritan colonization;
while, on the other hand, none but good Catholics, the favored class
of France, were tolerated in Canada. These had no motive for
exchanging the comforts of home and the smiles of Fortune for a
starving wilderness and the scalping-knives of the Iroquois. The
Huguenots would have emigrated in swarms; but they were rigidly
forbidden. The zeal of propagandism and the fur-trade were, as we
have seen, the vital forces of New France. Of her feeble population,
the best part was bound to perpetual chastity; while the fur-traders
and those in their service rarely brought their wives to the
wilderness. The fur-trader, moreover, is always the worst of
colonists; since the increase of population, by diminishing the
numbers of the fur-bearing animals, is adverse to his interest. But
behind all this there was in the religious ideal of the rival
colonies an influence which alone would have gone far to produce the
contrast in material growth.
To the mind of the Puritan, heaven was God's throne; but no less was
the earth His footstool: and each in its degree and its kind had its
demands on man. He held it a duty to labor and to multiply; and,
building on the Old Testament quite as much as on the New, thought
that a reward on earth as well as in heaven awaited those who were
faithful to the law. Doubtless, such a belief is widely open to
abuse, and it would be folly to pretend that it escaped abuse in New
England; but there was in it an element manly, healthful, and
invigorating. On the other hand, those who shaped the character, and
in great measure the destiny, of New France had always on their lips
the nothingness and the vanity of life. For them, time was nothing
but a preparation for eternity, and the highest virtue consisted in
a renunciation of all the cares, toils, and interests of earth. That
such a doctrine has often been joined to an intense worldliness, all
history proclaims; but with this we have at present nothing to do.
If all mankind acted on it in good faith, the world would sink into
decrepitude. It is the monastic idea carried into the wide field of
active life, and is like the error of those who, in their zeal to
cultivate their higher nature, suffer the neglected body to dwindle
and pine, till body and mind alike lapse into feebleness and
disease.
Druilletes returned to the Abenaquis, and thence to Quebec, full of
hope that the object of his mission was in a fair way of
accomplishment. The Governor, d'Ailleboust,9
who had succeeded Montmagny, called his council, and Druilletes was
again dispatched to New England, together with one of the principal
inhabitants of Quebec, Jean Paul Godefroy.10
They repaired to New Haven, and appeared before the Commissioners of
the Four Colonies, then in session there; but their errand proved
bootless. The Commissioners refused either to declare war or to
permit volunteers to be raised in New England against the Iroquois.
The Puritan, like his descendant, would not fight without a reason.
The bait of free-trade with Canada failed to tempt him; and the
envoys retraced their steps, with a flat, though courteous refusal.11
Now let us stop for a moment at Quebec, and observe some notable
changes that had taken place in the affairs of the colony. The
Company of the Hundred Associates, whose outlay had been great and
their profit small, transferred to the inhabitants of the colony
their monopoly of the fur-trade, and with it their debts. The
inhabitants also assumed their obligations to furnish arms,
munitions, soldiers, and works of defense, to pay the Governor and
other officials, introduce emigrants, and contribute to support the
missions. The Company was to receive, besides, an annual
acknowledgement of a thousand pounds of beaver, and was to retain
all seigniorial rights. The inhabitants were to form a corporation,
of which any one of them might be a member; and no individual could
trade on his own account, except on condition of selling at a fixed
price to the magazine of this new company.
| [Articles accordés entre les Directeurs et Associés
de la Compagnie de la Nelle France et les Députés des
Habitans du dit Pays, 6 Mars, 1645. MS.] |
This change took place in 1645. It was followed, in 1647, by the
establishment of a Council, composed of the Governor-General, the
Superior of the Jesuits, and the Governor of Montreal, who were
invested with absolute powers, legislative, judicial, and executive.
The Governor-General had an appointment of twenty-five thousand
livres, besides the privilege of bringing over seventy tons of
freight, yearly, in the Company's ships. Out of this he was required
to pay the soldiers, repair the forts, and supply arms and
munitions. Ten thousand livres and thirty tons of freight, with
similar conditions, were assigned to the Governor of Montreal. Under
these circumstances, one cannot wonder that the colony was but
indifferently defended against the Iroquois, and that the King had
to send soldiers to save it from destruction. In the next year, at
the instance of Maisonneuve, another change was made. A specified
sum was set apart for purposes of defense, and the salaries of the
Governors were proportionably reduced. The Governor-General,
Montmagny, though he seems to have done better than could reasonably
have been expected, was removed; and, as Maisonneuve declined the
office, d'Ailleboust, another Montrealist, was appointed to it. This
movement, indeed, had been accomplished by the interest of the
Montreal party; for already there was no slight jealousy between
Quebec and her rival.
The Council was reorganized, and now consisted of the Governor, the
Superior of the Jesuits, and three of the principal inhabitants.
[The Governors of Montreal and Three Rivers, when present had also
seats in the Council.] These last were to be chosen every three
years by the Council itself, in conjunction with the Syndics of
Quebec, Montreal, and Three Rivers. The Syndic was an officer
elected by the inhabitants of the community to which he belonged, to
manage its affairs. Hence a slight ingredient of liberty was
introduced into the new organization.
The colony, since the transfer of the fur-trade, had become a
resident corporation of merchants, with the Governor and Council at
its head. They were at once the directors of a trading company, a
legislative assembly, a court of justice, and an executive body:
more even than this, for they regulated the private affairs of
families and individuals. The appointment and payment of clerks and
the examining of accounts mingled with high functions of government;
and the new corporation of the inhabitants seems to have been
managed with very little consultation of its members. How the Father
Superior acquitted himself in his capacity of director of a
fur-company is nowhere recorded.
| [Those curious in regard to these new regulations
will find an account of them, at greater length, in
Ferland and Faillon.] |
As for Montreal, though it had given a Governor to the colony,
its prospects were far from hopeful. The ridiculous Dauversière, its
chief founder, was sick and bankrupt; and the Associates of
Montreal, once so full of zeal and so abounding in wealth, were
reduced to nine persons. What it had left of vitality was in the
enthusiastic Mademoiselle Mance, the earnest and disinterested
soldier, Maisonneuve, and the priest, Olier, with his new Seminary
of St. Sulpice.
Let us visit Quebec in midwinter. We pass the warehouses and
dwellings of the lower town, and as we climb the zigzag way now
called Mountain Street, the frozen river, the roofs, the summits of
the cliff, and all the broad landscape below and around us glare in
the sharp sunlight with a dazzling whiteness. At the top, scarcely a
private house is to be seen; but, instead, a fort, a church, a
hospital, a cemetery, a house of the Jesuits, and an Ursuline
convent. Yet, regardless of the keen air, soldiers, Jesuits,
servants, officials, women, all of the little community who are not
cloistered, are abroad and astir. Despite the gloom of the times, an
unwonted cheer enlivens this rocky perch of France and the Faith;
for it is New-Year's Day, and there is an active interchange of
greetings and presents. Thanks to the nimble pen of the Father
Superior, we know what each gave and what each received. He thus
writes in his private journal:--"The soldiers went with their guns
to salute Monsieur the Governor; and so did also the inhabitants in
a body. He was beforehand with us, and came here at seven o'clock to
wish us a happy New-Year, each in turn, one after another. I went to
see him after mass. Another time we must be beforehand with him. M.
Giffard also came to see us. The Hospital nuns sent us letters of
compliment very early in the morning; and the Ursulines sent us some
beautiful presents, with candles, rosaries, a crucifix, etc., and,
at dinner time, two excellent pies. I sent them two images, in
enamel, of St. Ignatius and St. Francis Xavier. We gave to M.
Giffard Father Bonnet's book on the life of Our Lord; to M. des
Châtelets, a little volume on Eternity; to M. Bourdon, a telescope
and compass; and to others, reliquaries, rosaries, medals, images,
etc. I went to see M. Giffard, M. Couillard, and Mademoiselle de
Repentigny. The Ursulines sent to beg that I would come and see them
before the end of the day. I went, and paid my compliments also to
Madame de la Peltrie, who sent us some presents. I was near leaving
this out, which would have been a sad oversight. We gave a crucifix
to the woman who washes the church-linen, a bottle of eau-de-vie to
Abraham, four handkerchiefs to his wife, some books of devotion to
others, and two handkerchiefs to Robert Hache. He asked for two
more, and we gave them to him."
[Journal des Supérieurs des Jésuites, MS. Only fragments of this
curious record are extant. It was begun by Lalemant in 1645. For the
privilege of having what remains of it copied I am indebted to M.
Jacques Viger. The entry translated above is of Jan. 1, 1646. Of the
persons named in it, Giffard was seigneur of Beauport, and a member
of the Council; Des Châtelets was one of the earliest settlers, and
connected by marriage with Giffard; Couillard was son-in-law of the
first settler, Hébert; Mademoiselle de Repentigny was daughter of Le
Gardeur de Repentigny, commander of the fleet; Madame de la Peltrie
has been described already; Bourdon was chief engineer of the
colony; Abraham was Abraham Martin, pilot for the King on the St.
Lawrence, from whom the historic Plains of Abraham received their
name. (See Ferland, Notes sur Registres, 16.) The rest were
servants, or persons of humble station.]
1 Considerations for the Plantation in New
England.--See Hutchinson, Collection, 27. Mr. Savage thinks that
this paper was by Winthrop. See Savage's Winthrop, I. 360, note.
2 See the Act, in Hazard, 550.
3 An account of him will be found in Palfrey,
Hist. of New England, II. 225, note.
4 In the Act, an exception, however, was made in
favor of Jesuits coming as ambassadors or envoys from their
government, who were declared not liable to the penalty of hanging.
5 For the documents on the title of Plymouth to
lands on the Kennebec, see Drake's additions to Baylies's History of
New Plymouth, 36, where they are illustrated by an ancient map. The
patent was obtained as early as 1628, and a trading-house soon after
established.
6 The Record of the Colony of Plymouth, June 5,
1651, contains, however the entry, "The Court declare themselves not
to be willing to aid them (the French) in their design, or to grant
them liberty to go through their jurisdiction for the aforesaid
purpose" (to attack the Mohawks).
7 See Palfrey, New England, II. 336.
8 Druilletes, Reflexions touchant ce qu'on peut
esperer de la Nouvelle Angleterre contre l'Irocquois (sic), appended
to his journal.
9 The same who, with his wife, had joined the
colonists of Montreal. See ante, chapter 18 (page 264).]
10 He was one of the Governor's council.--Ferland,
Notes sur les Registres, 67.]
11 On Druilletes's second embassy, see Lettre
écrite par le Conseil de Quebec aux Commissionaires de la Nouvelle
Angleterre, in Charlevoix, I. 287; Extrait des Registres de l'Ancien
Conseil de Quebec, Ibid., I. 288; Copy of a Letter from the
Commissioners of the United Colonies to the Governor of Canada, in
Hazard, II. 183; Answare to the Propositions presented by the
honered French Agents, Ibid., II. 184; and Hutchinson, Collection of
Papers, 240. Also, Records of the Commissioners of the United
Colonies, Sept. 5, 1651; and Commission of Druilletes and Godefroy,
in N. Y. Col. Docs., IX. 6.]
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The Jesuits in North America in the Seventeenth Century, 1867
Jesuits
in North America
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